Enlarge Martin Mejia/Associated Press

A woman serves a glass of 'Chicha' to a client in the village of Pisaq near Cuzco, Peru. Chicha is a local alcoholic beverage made from sprouted or germinated corn.

Martin Mejia/Associated Press

A woman serves a glass of 'Chicha' to a client in the village of Pisaq near Cuzco, Peru. Chicha is a local alcoholic beverage made from sprouted or germinated corn.

Sometimes reporters reach for that tongue-in-cheek phrase that they think listeners will understand, and it offends instead.

On May 8, freelance reporter Banning Eyre reviewed the new album by a Brooklyn-based band inspired by Peruvian music called Chicha Libre. "It's easy to imagine that this music was made by lowlife Peruvian musicians in the '60s, tipsy on chicha wine and surf guitar," he said on air.

Having spent much time in Peru (and drunk mucho foul-smelling chicha dipped from barrels while it fermented), I understood where Eyre was coming from. Some listeners, however, were not amused.

Enlarge AP Photo/Bob Leverone

In protest of state law, a same-sex couple attempts to obtain a marriage license at the Forsyth County Register of Deeds office in Winston-Salem, N.C., Thursday, May 10.

AP Photo/Bob Leverone

In protest of state law, a same-sex couple attempts to obtain a marriage license at the Forsyth County Register of Deeds office in Winston-Salem, N.C., Thursday, May 10.

Since President Barack Obama announced last week that he supported same sex marriage, scores of listeners have complained that NPR's coverage cheered the announcement. As Susan Reif of Fairfield, OH, wrote: "I am so curious as to what NPR's push is to have same sex marriage in America?....Please, please, quit pushing this stuff down all of our throats."

Pat Morley of Herriman, UT, was embarrassed by an All Things Considered segment covering the president's announcement. Andrew Sullivan, an eloquent public intellectual and advocate of same sex marriage, was interviewed at length on the show. Morley, an NPR fan, was driving home in his car and said he assured a dismayed passenger, "Just wait a minute, they'll interview someone with an opposing view." It didn't happen. That night, he found an article in NPR.org that more fully covered dissenters, but wrote of radio: "Please don't allow your usual high standard of excellent reporting to decay."

Meanwhile, advocates of gay rights, protested against an interview May 10 by White House correspondent Ari Shapiro with Tony Perkins of the Family Research Council. The Southern Poverty Law Center, a civil rights organization, classifies the council as a "hate group." "Why did you not ask for the opinions of the Grand Dragon of the KKK when reporting on the Trayvon Martin case?," wrote Greg Korte of Long Beach, CA.

Enlarge Mladen Antonov/Getty Images

A protester during a rally in downtown Washington DC on March 29, 2012 outside the American Legislative Exchange Council's (ALEC) headquarters.

Mladen Antonov/Getty Images

A protester during a rally in downtown Washington DC on March 29, 2012 outside the American Legislative Exchange Council's (ALEC) headquarters.

I was a Young Republican when I was in college and briefly worked for Barry Goldwater for president. I worked at the same time in civil rights in South Nashville.

I am reminded of my past as I follow the criticism in recent weeks raised by Breitbart.com, NewsBusters, commentator Michelle Malkin and other Goldwater descendents against NPR reporter Peter Overby for not having sufficiently disclosed that he once worked for an affiliate of Common Cause.

Doby Photography/NPR

Peter Overby, NPR's Power, Money and Influence Correspondent

In three stories last month on the American Legislative Exchange Council, Overby reported that Common Cause has been pushing the Internal Revenue Service to investigate the tax exempt charitable status of ALEC.

ALEC is the organization that brings together state legislators and corporate lobbyists to write and promote model state laws that further various conservative causes. These causes have included the cutting of corporate taxes, restricting unions, expanding voter ID, spreading Stand Your Ground gun laws and imposing Arizona-type illegal immigration restrictions.

Enlarge istockphoto.com

istockphoto.com

Last week we explored whether the word Christian has come to be synonymous with conservative. It seems to be in the entertainment and news industries. But Christians, who make up more than 78 percent of Americans, have a wide spectrum of political views and ideologies, and many responded thoughtfully. In the interest of both accuracy and fostering national comity, what follows are some of those comments. There is no consensus yet on labeling, but please continue the discussion with me and NPR.

Religion News Service's Kevin Eckstrom, editor-in-chief, wrote:

One of the problems with reporting on religion that it is often done by journalists who don't know the terrain. There are obviously different kinds of football players, and different kinds of businesses and different kinds of doctors. No one would confuse Tim Tebow with a guy who plays for a neighborhood pick-up league, or mistake Citibank for Joe's Pawn Shop.

The problem with religion reporting, though, is that journalists unfamiliar with the field sometimes confuse and conflate different kinds of Christians, whether writing about politics, films, beliefs, leaders, etc. Religion is a beat where details and nuance matter a great deal, and often they get lost in the shuffle.

Rev. Robert A. Sirico, president and founder of the Acton Institute for the Study of Religion and Liberty, shared his thoughts. Acton Institute, a think tank located in Grand Rapids, MI, supports smaller government and free market economics informed by "religious faith and moral absolutes." An excerpt from Sirico's response:

Asking "Who are the Christians?" is less an existential query than a question about partisan branding: What political group gets to claim the word for themselves—and exclude others from its rightful use? The irony is that many mainstream groups wish to recover the franchise at a time when several historically Christian organizations (such as the YMCA) are attempting to distance themselves from the Christian brand. Mr. [Schumacher-Matos] claims that "politically and socially conservative Christians have in fact co-opted the title." But perhaps they never really abandoned it while the politically and socially liberal Christians discarded it, embracing instead, the sort of Christianity that Niebuhr (H. Richard Niebuhr, "The Kingdom of God in America") so memorably described as, "A God without wrath [who] brought men without sin into a kingdom without judgment through the ministrations of a Christ without a cross."

Enlarge Bloomberg/Contributor

Workers are given radiation screenings as they enter the emergency operation center at Tokyo Electric Power Co.'s Fukushima Dai-Ichi nuclear power plant.

Bloomberg/Contributor

Workers are given radiation screenings as they enter the emergency operation center at Tokyo Electric Power Co.'s Fukushima Dai-Ichi nuclear power plant.

This month marks the one-year anniversary of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster. We keep learning more about what happened and why. New questions also are raised.

As part of NPR's on-going coverage of the situation in Japan, science correspondent Richard Harris reported that the emotional trauma caused by the massive earthquake, tsunami and nuclear reactor meltdowns will likely have a greater negative impact on the population than radiation exposure. The report, in Morning Edition host Steve Inskeep's words, was about "the cost of fear."

Some listeners contacted us following the segment to question why Harris would, in their words, "downplay" the dangers radiation exposure had on the public. In particular, Chris McCarthy, a physics professor at San Francisco State University, questioned how Harris could focus his report on the seemingly less-serious problem of trauma in light of a report in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists by nuclear expert Frank N. von Hippel, a professor at Princeton, who wrote that "one might expect around 1,000 extra cancer deaths related to the Fukushima Daiichi accident."

Enlarge tara_siuk/Flickr

Edith and Archie Bunker's chairs on display in the Smithsonian National Museum of American History.

tara_siuk/Flickr

Edith and Archie Bunker's chairs on display in the Smithsonian National Museum of American History.

In 1971, Fred Ferretti wrote an article for The New York Times about a new CBS sitcom called "All in the Family." He asked his readers, "Are racism and bigotry funny?" His conclusion: No.

"What is lacking is taste," he wrote. But the American viewing public apparently disagreed.

The show, featuring Carroll O'Connor as the bigoted Archie Bunker, aired until 1979, winning numerous Emmys and Golden Globe awards. It is such a cornerstone of American culture that today you can visit Archie and Edith Bunker's chairs at the Smithsonian National Museum of American History. As the museum's website puts it, "Their battlegrounds were the very issues dividing American society—ethnic prejudice, women's liberation, and racism. The show's humor revealed the limits of Archie's bigotry, as well as the self-righteousness of his children."

But after a recent Fresh Air segment, several NPR listeners raised the same question as that Times reporter back in 1971.

Yasser Al-Zayyat/Getty Images

A woman flashes the V for 'victory' sign with her fingers painted in the colors of the former Syrian flag during a protest against the Syrian regime outside Damascus' embassy in Kuwait City on Feb. 5, 2012.

In the world of Twitter and social media, Andy Carvin has become a legend of sorts. I don't want to sound too much like a publicist for NPR, but the role of this NPR digital strategist as, effectively, Twitter Central throughout the Arab Spring—for the Arabs themselves in the uprisings—has won him numerous accolades. The Washington Post called him a "a one-man Twitter news bureau." The New York Times said he was "a personal news wire about Egypt."

As of today, Carvin has 62,450 Twitter followers. He told The Post last year that he tweets 7 days a week and up to 16 hours a day, sometimes more, from his laptop and phone in Washington, D.C.

His role in covering protests and unrest in the Middle East began in 2010 when he used Twitter contacts in Tunisia to crowd-source coverage of the revolution. He went on to repeat the formula in each successive country of unrest, using the same style of crowd-sourcing to debunk myths, share pertinent information, and create a written record of revolutions in real-time.

Enlarge Getty Images

Bahraini protesters wave their national flag in the village of Sanabis near Manama on Feb. 14, 2011.

Getty Images

Bahraini protesters wave their national flag in the village of Sanabis near Manama on Feb. 14, 2011.

Updated 1/27/2012 6:10 p.m.(Click for the latest): Digital news editor Greg Myre weighs in on Bahrain web headline.

February marks one year since the start of a civil uprising in Bahrain, an island in the Persian Gulf. It was one of many countries to join in the so-called Arab Spring. As part of a recent series on the movement, guest host Linda Wertheimer on Morning Edition introduced a story on Bahrain by correspondent Kelly McEvers by saying: "Only one of the major uprisings has definitely failed, and that's where we'll go next."

In her report, McEvers says, "Bahrain became the one Arab country whose uprising was definitively put down."

Listener Tom Rizzo of Akron, OH, was dismayed:

That declaration is in the past tense, while the uprising in Bahrain is an ongoing event whose conclusion has not yet occurred. In many respects, the 14 February 2011 uprising has been wildly successful in raising the real situation that has prevailed in Bahrain for decades into the world's consciousness. For years and years it was possible to hear no mention of Bahrain in many "mainstream media" outlets in the United States, including NPR.

As a follow-up, Rizzo sent a Tweet noting that the State Department has just issued a travel alert because of potential unrest on the island. "Who's fooling whom?" he asked.

Enlarge istockphoto.com

istockphoto.com

"Roadside slim" from Roseburg, OR, wants to take a break. And he's not the only one.

Many of you have written—pleaded, really—for NPR to cut back on 2012 presidential campaign coverage. As Frank Range, from Athens, GA, put it, "The election is still 10 months off and we will have to endure a lot of hot air from the candidates. Please don't add to the wind."

Trust me, I hear you. You're not alone.

A survey by the Pew Research Center published yesterday found that 37 percent of Americans feel there is too much campaign coverage in the news. One problem for us is that about the same amount—39 percent—felt that they were receiving the "right amount" of coverage so far this year.

Much of the news media coverage is, of course, "horse race speculation." Most of us, including journalists, bemoan that, but we all want to know who is in first, too. The crowded Republican field does look a bit like the Kentucky Derby. I trust that NPR will continue to give us more substantive coverage as well, which many of you have written to say that you want. Let me know if you are dissatisfied, though it will be easier to judge once we get down to a more manageable number of candidates. In the meantime, here is a tongue-in-cheek solution from "Roadside slim," or at least I hope he doesn't really mean it:

Dear NPR:

We need to talk a little. Our 35+ year relationship of sharing the news of the day both in the morning and at night has been pretty stable, but recently you have seemed rather distant and preoccupied. Our great conversations about life, the universe, and everything now seem strained and only with perfunctory effort. I understand the bright lights, glitz and short term heart stopping lust of election analysis, but it is so fleeting like cigarette smoke, and becomes like warm stale wine and last night's muddy confetti.

I know there are things I can't understand but why would you throw your splendor and talent of delightful, provocative stories of home, culture, science, and far away cultures to the wind and then wallow with the hard, coarse and vulgar election street walkers of the other media, especially when street walking is not one of your best talents?

NPR, I bask in the air waves of both AM and FM stations located in the central part of western Oregon. But recently I have had to turn you off multiple times, both going to and coming home from work because we are just not talking on the same wave link.

NPR, I think you and I need space while you go find yourself. Perhaps you need time to explore the vulgarities enough to decide that is not for you. Understand that I will be fine. Now with the head spinning aroma of audio books and blogs misting from my silver IPOD and savory voices reading from my Kindle, Perhaps I could.... Maybe even... YES NPR, I do think we need space at least till next January after the inauguration. Maybe then we can hook back up. Play well NPR, just don't let the smoke and warm stale wine harden your voice, laughter, and desire for richness in the important things of life.

- "Roadside slim," Roseburg, OR

As always, we'll share your laments, odes and thoughts with the newsroom.

Enlarge T.J. Kirkpatrick/Getty Images

Republican presidential candidate Rick Santorum during the nation's first primary on Jan. 10, 2012 in Manchester, N.H.

T.J. Kirkpatrick/Getty Images

Republican presidential candidate Rick Santorum during the nation's first primary on Jan. 10, 2012 in Manchester, N.H.

Rick Santorum has a problem. The Republican presidential candidate has been dogged by gay rights activist Dan Savage since 2003, when as a senator he supported anti-gay laws, including against sodomy. Savage, an internationally syndicated sex advice columnist, took offense and called on his readers to wage an Internet war. He invited them to name, or re-name, a sex act after Santorum. Then he took a vote and created an anti-Santorum website with the new "definition." It's not delicate.

Since then, Santorum's problem has been a Google one. Even after he came in a close second in the Iowa caucus, a Google search on his name leads to Savage's column popping up first or near the top. Santorum can't seem to escape the, well, savage plays on his name.

NPR, like much of the news media, did a story on the phenomenon. This raised uncomfortable issues of what to say on air. The resulting piece attracted a complaint from listener Brendan Wolff, of Fairbanks, AK, who quite sensibly asked if such stories were appropriate, given that young people are often listening. She also asked if NPR wasn't contributing to the popularity of the site.

This is an age-old question when it comes to reporting on smut, sex scandals and the like, and can only be decided on a case-by-case basis. We asked NPR reporter Laura Sydell why she chose to go ahead in this case. Here is Wolff's letter and Sydell's response. See what you think.

Enlarge Rick Stewart/Getty Images

Pittsburgh Steelers teammates execute the "run and bump," an end zone celebration analyzed by a New York Times dance critic.

Rick Stewart/Getty Images

Pittsburgh Steelers teammates execute the "run and bump," an end zone celebration analyzed by a New York Times dance critic.

Last week, I responded to complaints from some listeners on two Morning Edition commentaries by Frank Deford. One of the commentaries expressed outrage at the violent hazing that takes part as an initiation ritual in some of the marching bands at historically black college and universities. The other was a humorous piece making fun of the end zone antics by professional football players after touchdowns. Deford said the antics violate the "manly" game.

Deford may get some vindication by a huge layout in the New York Times Saturday on the latest celebratory moves, which the paper christened the "run and bump." One of the two articles was actually written by one of the paper's dance critics, Gia Kourlas.

My post focused on whether Deford should have given some racial context to his criticism, as he is white and the antics were historically associated with black players, who make up the overwhelming majority of professional players. Some African-American listeners didn't take kindly to the implication of their being called unmanly. I agreed in part, but noted that much depends on whether you think that the antics are still associated with race.

The Times stories don't mention race, but the many photos show black and white players jumping and bumping butts equally. This might suggest that Deford was in the clear not mentioning race in his commentary. As I wrote, "The antics, in other words, have a black origin, but maybe, just maybe, they aren't black anymore. They are just football."

I've enjoyed following the discussion in the comments section on the original post – you're welcome to use the Times piece and listener comments I've pulled below to keep the discussion going here.

Enlarge Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney and his wife Ann Romney on Jan. 3, the night of the Iowa Caucuses, in Des Moines, Iowa.

Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney and his wife Ann Romney on Jan. 3, the night of the Iowa Caucuses, in Des Moines, Iowa.

Our audience is a fastidious bunch—informed and outspoken. I love you, if for no other reason than you make my job easier by finding the dust under the carpet in NPR's coverage. But I wasn't so sure that I appreciated one such careful listener who wanted to re-visit the Iowa coverage.

Enough already! I agreed with all of you who wrote that you were tired of wall-to-wall caucus news. Iowans themselves must be gagging. But listener Ray Lurie, who is not from the state, raised a good question on language. Lurie is from New Haven, CT, which may mean that he is a smartypants from Yale. You read below. He notes that no one actually wins any delegates from the caucuses.

Enlarge Eric Gay/AP

A Predator B unmanned aircraft returns to the Naval Air Station in Corpus Christi, Texas. U.S. Customs and Border Protection is expanding its use of drones to patrol U.S. borders.

Eric Gay/AP

A Predator B unmanned aircraft returns to the Naval Air Station in Corpus Christi, Texas. U.S. Customs and Border Protection is expanding its use of drones to patrol U.S. borders.

Just because you don't like the subject of a story doesn't mean that the story was wrong.

Salon published a scathing reaction to Brian Naylor's recent All Things Considered report on the nascent use of drones domestically. The article, written by Glenn Greenwald, called Naylor's five-minute segment a "commercial for the drone industry," saying the report overlooked privacy and safety concerns. Some listeners wrote with similar criticism.

Enlarge Kazuhiro Nogi/Getty Images

A worker installs components into a Leaf electric vehicle at the company's plant in Kanagawa, Japan.

Kazuhiro Nogi/Getty Images

A worker installs components into a Leaf electric vehicle at the company's plant in Kanagawa, Japan.

Is the glass half empty or half full for the future of more fuel-efficient cars? How NPR and the news media answer this question in framing stories affects public attitudes and a national willingness to support the conservation effort.

The Obama Administration and automakers recently agreed to make all new cars in America have an average fuel economy by 2025 of 55 miles per gallon – roughly double the current average. The mandate prompted a Morning Edition series on how cars will get there.

"Reaching that goal [55 mpg] will takes feats of engineering and it will require Americans to change how they think about their cars and how they drive them," host Linda Wertheimer said in the introduction to the first part, on electric cars.

Enlarge istockphoto.com

istockphoto.com

You're invited to use this space to discuss media, policy and NPR's journalism. We'll follow the conversation and share it with the newsroom.

Please stay within the community discussion rules, among them:

• If you can't be polite, don't say it: ...please try to disagree without being disagreeable. Focus your remarks on positions, not personalities.

• ...This is not a place for advertising, promotion, recruiting, campaigning, lobbying, soliciting or proselytizing. We understand that there can be a fine line between discussing and campaigning; please use your best judgment — and we will use ours.