Once, holding a majority of seats in the U.S. Senate meant having "control." Even when the Senate is split 50-50 -- as was the case after the 2000 elections -- Republicans kept their majority thanks to the tie-breaking vote of Vice President Cheney. That "control" was lost in 2001 when Vermont's Jim Jeffords quit the GOP and voted to put the Democrats in the majority. And that majority lasted only until the 2002 elections, when Republicans triumphed against the odds and gained seats.
But in the current atmosphere, the thought of 50 or 51 seats being enough to give the majority party real power seems so archaic, if not naive. Now, if you want to get things done, the magic number is 60 -- to ward off a filibuster, real or threatened, which seems to be the case with almost every issue before the Senate. I don't exactly know how the goal went from 51 to 60, but that is the new Senate reality.
Senate Democrats may have 60 seats (to be exact, 58 Dems + 2 Dem-leaning independents). But they don't always have 60 votes, and it remains to be seen whether they will have the 60 needed to pass an overhaul of the nation's health-care system.
On Saturday, Majority Leader Harry Reid succeeded in holding all 60 in the vote to bring the issue to the floor. He needed 60 (three-fifths of the Senate, according to the rules, is needed to ward off a filibuster) and he got 60; every Republican (except for the absent George Voinovich) voted no. And while there had been a sigh of relief Saturday by Democrats when Blanche Lincoln (AR), Mary Landrieu (LA) and Ben Nelson (NE) stayed loyal, there is no guarantee they -- or Joe Lieberman (I-CT) for that matter -- will vote for final passage. Not one that includes the so-called public option.
On NBC's "Meet the Press" yesterday, Lieberman called the thought of a government-run insurance program "radical":
We have a health-care system that has real troubles, but we have an economic system that is in real crisis. And I don't want to fix the problems in our health-care system in a way that creates more of an economic crisis.
Over at ABC's "This Week," Nelson said he would never vote for a bill that included the public option:
I don't want a big-government, Washington-run operation that undermines the private insurance that 200 million Americans now have.
With these Democrats once again expressing doubts, Reid will once again do his "we need Republicans on board" line. It was the kind of wooing we saw several months ago when the Democrats were shy of 60 votes. But if the public option is going to be part of the bill -- as Reid made sure when he unveiled the final product -- you can forget about Republicans such as Maine's Olympia Snowe, the only GOP lawmaker in either the House or Senate to vote for a health-care bill in committee. (Her fellow Maine Republican, Susan Collins, is also expected to be wined and dined by Democrats and the White House.)
And with all this attention on the Democratic centrists might come some resentment from liberals, such as Ohio's Sherrod Brown, who said on CNN, "I don't want four Democratic senators dictating to the other 56 of us and to the rest of the country -- when the public option has this much support -- that it is not going to be part in it."
Reid, one of a handful of Democratic senators who are expected to have a tough re-election battle in 2010, would love to have a vote on final passage by Christmas. That could be optimistic. But Saturday's vote moved them one step closer.
CONTEST: Our contest to see if any senator would break with party on the vote was, understandably, a bust. No senator did. As Ron Merlo of Glendale, Calif., correctly wrote in advance of Saturday's action, "I can't believe any Democrat would commit political suicide over a procedural vote. They can always tell their constituents that they could not vote for a final version because it contained something they did not believe in. But telling them that they prevented the bill from being discussed would be a much harder sell."
categories: To Your Health


