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Bush Prepares for Final State of the Union Speech

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January 28, 2008

President Bush is preparing to address the nation in the final State of the Union address of his presidency. White House Counselor Ed Gillespie explains what to expect — and what not to expect — from the speech. Gillespie also provides an update on the bipartisan economic stimulus package currenltly working its way through Congress.

Copyright © 2009 National Public Radio®. For personal, noncommercial use only. See Terms of Use. For other uses, prior permission required.

MICHEL MARTIN, host:

Moving now from politics to matters of state - tonight, President George W. Bush gives his last State of the Union address. Here to give us a preview of the president's speech and to update us on the discussions about the bipartisan economic stimulus package working its way through the Congress is White House Counselor Ed Gillespie. He's also a former chairman of the Republican National Committee, and we appreciate him for joining us today.

Thanks for coming.

Mr. ED GILLESPIE (White House Counselor; Former Chairman, Republican National Committee): Well, thanks for having me on.

MARTIN: In the past, the president's State of the Union messages have talked a lot about really big ideas. That's not really realistic, is it?

Mr. GILLESPIE: We figure there's a window here, Michel, where we can get some things done, probably before Congress goes out for their July - Fourth of July recess. And so, for five months, we want to identify things where we can come together and pass legislation that's in the interest of the American people. That begins with a short-term growth package, a boost to the economy to offset some of the concerns going on in the housing market, as well as some housing reforms that would help us to mitigate that damage and keep people in their homes.

But, you're right. In terms of big things like social security reform or immigration reform, things that the president has tackled in the past, we recognize that with Congress in control of the other party and a presidential election year taking place and, you know, a window of opportunity that's only about five months long, that we ought to keep our focus on things that are important and big, but also doable and realistic. And there's plenty of things on that list that we can get done.

MARTIN: Is it fair to say that the economy will probably be the dominant theme of the speech tonight?

Mr. GILLESPIE: Well, both the economy and national security, they're both important issues. Economy is the first third of the speech. The speech that breaks down, as they often do, about 50/50. Half of it is domestic and economic policy, half of it is foreign and national security policy. The first third is very much focused on the economy and dealing with that, including not only the need to have a short-term boost and a growth package, but also to make the tax relief that's out there permanent, that is due to expire in 2010. We think that would be a huge drag on the economy. A hundred and sixteen million Americans would end up paying higher taxes at an average of about $1,800. So we want to make those tax cuts permanent, but we also need to do things on health care and trade and energy policy that have a big impact on our economy. And the president will talk about those things as well.

MARTIN: What about his legacy? Will he spend any time talking to us about how he would like his administration to be remembered?

Mr. GILLESPIE: Well, you know, Michel, if I came to him and said, hey, here's an opportunity to look back and talk about your legacy, you know, there'd probably be a search on right now for a new White House counselor. But, yeah…

MARTIN: He'd be like, no.

(Soundbite of laughter)

Mr. GILLESPIE: The president's not much interested in looking back. His mindset is to sprint to the finish. And like I said, we understand that when the conventions - the political conventions for a presidential nomination take place this summer that, you know, we're going to shift into - and the country is going to shift into a purely political mode if they haven't already. But we see an opportunity here for a few months to get some important things done. And so, that's where he's going to keep his focus, is looking forward. And he'll leave it to the historians to figure out legacy.

MARTIN: Speaking of trying to sprint towards some kind of finish. You know, the White House and the House leadership have put together this bipartisan economic stimulus package. Now, the senators are saying, they didn't have enough say in this whole conversation, and they have some things they'd like. Now, the hope was to get checks into peoples' hands by spring. Is that still going to be possible? You're going to have to reopen negotiations with the Senate?

Mr. GILLESPIE: I think it is possible. Anything that you can have - you know, Speaker Pelosi, and Chairman Charlie Rangel of the Ways and Means Committee and Republican leader Boehner and Jim McCrery, the top Republican on the Ways and Means Committee, if they can agree on something, that's a consensus package. And one of the reasons that we wanted to reach that consensus was we needed to move something quickly.

We want to get something that helps to offset the adjustment that's going on in the housing market right now and make sure that it doesn't spill over into other aspects of the economy. There's plenty of time for a debate over some of these other issues that people want to load this bill up with. We need to keep this clean. Our line here is, you know, we feel the need for speed. And we think that it's important that we move it quickly and keep it simple and not junk it up or load it up with other provisions that can derail it or delay it.

MARTIN: Well, that raises a question. You're an old House of Representatives staffer, if I recall? Right?

Mr. GILLESPIE: I am.

MARTIN: You started your career there. So how come we haven't seen more of these kinds of bipartisan proposals between the Congress and the president that - you know, deals that are negotiated and the compromises made before everybody starts yelling about it. Like, for example, the SCHIP program - why haven't we seen more of these?

Mr. GILLESPIE: Well, we, you know, we did try to negotiate on SCHIP. And I think there was a determination made, and I'm not guessing this. I, you know, sought - stated outright that they - that Democrats in Congress felt that it was better to get a veto from the president on that bill and not have something that they could agree on. They thought that politically, that would be helpful to them.

MARTIN: They'd rather have the fight than the bill is your point of view?

Mr. GILLESPIE: They'd rather have the fight than the legislation.

MARTIN: And, of course, they say the same is true of the White House.

Mr. GILLESPIE: Well, we never said it. I mean, that's not really our view. We really did try to find something that we could reach accommodation on, and, you know, they had basically a $30-billion bill, which is a pretty significant difference.

But we, you know, we did come forward with the split difference approach. I mean, the president had, at one point, proposed putting $15 billion more into the program, and that was rejected. And we were never really brought into the drafting of that legislation in the way the Speaker brought in Secretary Paulson.

And, in fact, we sent Secretary Paulson, Secretary of the Treasury, on this tax package and growth package. But Secretary Mike Leavitt, the Secretary of Health and Human Services, was not really involved in the drafting of the SCHIP legislation, and that's unfortunate.

But I think that Democrats in Congress realize it's in their interest now to try to find some areas of common ground, to get some things that they can point to as accomplishments, because there is a pretty wide perception out there that this is a Congress that's been unwilling or unable to get things done. And if I could just set the record straight, Michel, I did actually start on the Senate side…

MARTIN: Senate side.

Mr. GILLESPIE: …as a parking lot attendant. As I said before...

(Soundbite of laughter)

MARTIN: Well, I wasn't going to bring that up. I wasn't going to bring that up, because I didn't know if that was something you'd like to speak - keep on your resume, but I'm sure you did a fine job.

Mr. GILLESPIE: I was a good parker.

MARTIN: I can't resist asking this. It's not too often that you get a former Republican National Committee chairman on the program. Did you ever think that we'd be this far into the primary season without clear front-runners on either the Republican or Democratic side?

Mr. GILLESPIE: No, I didn't. This is fascinating. I love watching it, and I love watching it for a couple of reasons. One is it's great, if you're a political junkie, it's really exciting to watch this and to see two wide-open races narrowing down, I think, but still wide open. It's hard to - I wouldn't bet on either side who the nominee is going to be. And at the same time, it's also great because I have - having been in Iowa, New Hampshire and South Carolina and been through those things, I know what my friends are going through on those campaigns on both sides. And I'm glad to not be in that mix right now.

(Soundbite of laughter)

MARTIN: So even though you have long days, you still get to go home at night.

Mr. GILLESPIE: I get to go home at night, and I also - I enjoy the public service aspect of it and the policy. And so I'm happy to be on the sidelines on the political front these days.

MARTIN: Do you think either party will have a clear nominee after Super Tuesday?

Mr. GILLESPIE: I don't. I think it's - I think they'll have a likely nominee after Super Tuesday, but I think it's going to probably take until March 5th before there's a clear nominee.

MARTIN: And you heard Gwen Ifill earlier use the B-word, brokered convention. Is that actually something that could happen, in your opinion?

Mr. GILLESPIE: Well, you know, when you look at the - it depends on how long the candidates, you know, competitive candidates are viable. On both sides, a lot of these states are not winner-take-all. They are a proportional allocation of delegates. And so it is conceivable. Now, folks like, you know, political reporters and columnists and pundits and activists in the both parties always love the idea of a brokered convention. But it is rare.

MARTIN: Well, they got to eat, too.

(Soundbite of laughter)

Mr. GILLESPIE: Yeah, right. And I'd be surprised if we ended up in a brokered situation. But I've been surprised all along this year. So…

MARTIN: And I just want to go back to the whole question of the State of the Union tonight. And I take your point. You're saying the president isn't much for, you know, cogitating about, you know, his legacy. But I'd like to ask, you know, what's the mood around there? Is it like the sort of spring term in college where people are kind of nostalgic? Is there a sense of wistfulness about - is there…

Mr. GILLESPIE: There's really not…

MARTIN: …spring fever yet? People like, get me out of here?

Mr. GILLESPIE: No, there's a, you know - as in any organization, all of the, you know, concentric circles going out reflect the, you know, the core. And, in this case, the president has, like I say, a mindset of sprinting to the finish. And it permeates the place. And so, we're constantly, you know, working on new policies and new ideas and, you know, a trip to Africa next month that I think is going to reinforce some of the things the president talks about this evening in the State of the Union. We had a very successful trip to the Middle East, and he's going to go back in May.

And so - and then these policy proposals, new policy proposals and unfinished business that needs to get done. So it is a - I wish we were a little more wistful.

(Soundbite of laughter)

MARTIN: Mm-hmm.

Mr. GILLESPIE: I could stand a little more wistfulness.

(Soundbite of laughter)

MARTIN: If there is one initiative that the president could pass this year, what do you think it would be?

Mr. GILLESPIE: Well, I think he would like to get the tax cuts permanent and have that settled. He's got - I'm going to save, though, a little more for later on. He's got a proposal this evening on the education front that I think will help a lot of students in elementary schools that would be a very positive thing to get done.

And then, obviously, I think, you know, we're in danger of having the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act lapse. It is - it's been a very important tool in our tool chest in helping to keep America safer. We need to get an agreement on that. The Congress passed a six-month bill. That's not nearly long enough, and it expires on February 1st. We'd like to get that in place.

And obviously the, you know - we'd like to see the success in Iraq continue and make sure that that is in a good place for future presidents.

MARTIN: Well, thank you so much for joining us, Ed.

Mr. GILLESPIE: Thanks, Michel, for having me on. I appreciate it.

MARTIN: White House Counselor Ed Gillespie, joining us from his office at the White House with a preview of the State of the Union. Ed, thanks again.

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Farewell Themes in the State of the Union

President Clinton delivers his final State of the Union address, Jan. 27, 2000.
Enlarge Stephen Jaffe/AFP/Getty Images

President Clinton delivers his final State of the Union address, Jan. 27, 2000.

President Clinton delivers his final State of the Union address, Jan. 27, 2000.
Stephen Jaffe/AFP/Getty Images

President Clinton delivers his final State of the Union address, Jan. 27, 2000.

About the State of the Union

The President "shall from time to time give to the Congress Information on the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient." — U.S. Constitution.

 

• The constitutionally mandated presidential address was formally known as the Annual Message from 1790 to 1934.

• Since 1947, it has generally been known as the State of the Union address.

• Until 1934, the Annual Message was delivered every December.

• Since 1934, the speech has been delivered every January or February.

• Some presidents have sent a written Annual Message or State of the Union address rather than delivering it in person.

• President Reagan's State of the Union address for 1986 was rescheduled because of the Challenger space shuttle disaster, which occurred earlier in the day.

• The first radio broadcast of the speech: President Coolidge, 1923.

• First TV broadcast of message: President Truman, 1947.

• First live webcast of the address: President George W. Bush, 2002.

• First HDTV broadcast of the speech: President George W. Bush, 2004.

• The longest State of the Union address: President Truman (1946), more than 25,000 words.

• The shortest: President Washington (1790), 833 words.

• Average length: 19th century was about 10,000 words; late 20th century, about 5,000 words.

• Most Messages/Addresses given: President Franklin Roosevelt, 12 (including 10 personal appearances before Congress).

• Fewest Messages/Addresses given: President Zachary Taylor, 1; President William Henry Harrison, 0; President James A. Garfield, 0.

 

Source: Office of the Clerk, U.S. House of Representatives

January 28, 2008

President Bush is set to deliver his last State of the Union address Monday night. Like Presidents Reagan and Clinton before him, it will mark the last such address of a two-term presidency.

"The State of the Union address is very much an address of the great themes of a presidency together with the moment that he's giving it," says Clark Judge, who helped write the final State of the Union address for Reagan, one of the masters at delivering them.

"This was the time, as it was with Eisenhower and as it was with Clinton after Reagan, of laying out an ... aggressive agenda for the year, moving for a big finish," Judge tells Steve Inskeep. "In all three cases, you have a speech about the future, not about the past."

Terry Edmonds was Clinton's chief speechwriter when he delivered his final State of the Union address in 2000. That speech had three major objectives, Edmonds says.

First, "because we had been in office for seven years, we wanted to reflect on the then and now, where we had come from since 1992 and how we got there," Edmonds says. The second goal was "to put forth proposals for the unfinished business of the coming year" — the solvency of Social Security and Medicare, prescription drug benefits and other issues. And lastly, Clinton "wanted to lay out some big challenges that the country was facing, not only in the coming year but in the next decade."

"State of the Unions are the most clunky product for speechwriters," Edmonds says, "because ... sometimes they turn into laundry lists of proposals or of things that the president wants to accomplish in the next year. And it's very hard to sort of give it a central theme.

"The problem is not so much how to frame it, but what to leave in and what to take out," Edmonds says.

The addresses were characterized not only by the need to include many proposals, but also by the style of the presidents delivering them, Judge says.

Clinton's final State of the Union included a "very long list of initiatives and he had an ambitious program for the last year," Judge says.

Reagan's address was "far more thematic," the speechwriter says. "But then President Reagan himself was far more thematic." Reagan's farewell themes included "freedom in the world," revival of the economy through free markets, and "strength of civil society," Judge says, "and you see that running all through that ... final address."

Edmonds says Clinton was "looking forward to some of the big challenges — health care and shoring up Social Security and Medicare and those things. And he knew we wouldn't be able to perhaps solve all those problems in the last year, but he wanted to at least set the marker ... get the country focused on it."

 
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