Darfur, Front and Center, in 'The New Republic'

This week's issue of The New Republic focuses almost entirely on genocide in the Darfur region of Sudan. The magazine points fingers at many targets, including itself, for not covering the story more aggressively.

Editor Franklin Foer talks to Michele Norris about the decision to devote the magazine to a single issue. He says the situation in Darfur demands crusading journalism and that the magazine needed to play a role in pushing for solutions to the crisis.

About 18,000 refugees from Darfur gather in eastern Chad i i

hide captionRefugees from Darfur gather in eastern Chad in September 2004. About 18,000 people came to Bahai to escape violence in Darfur.

Michal Ronnen Safdie
About 18,000 refugees from Darfur gather in eastern Chad

Refugees from Darfur gather in eastern Chad in September 2004. About 18,000 people came to Bahai to escape violence in Darfur.

Michal Ronnen Safdie

'Again'

The following is excerpted from the Editors Note from the May 15 issue of The New Republic.

Never again? What nonsense. Again and again is more like it. In Darfur, we are witnessing a genocide again, and again we are witnessing ourselves witnessing it and doing nothing to stop it. Even people who wish to know about the problem do not wish to know about the solution. They prefer the raising of consciousnesses to the raising of troops. Just as Rwanda made a bleak mockery of the lessons of Bosnia, Darfur is making a bleak mockery of the lessons of Rwanda. Some lessons, it seems, are gladly and regularly unlearned. Except, of course, by the perpetrators of this evil, who learn the only really enduring lessons about genocide in our time: that the Western response to it is late in coming, or is not coming at all.

Were the 1990s really that long ago? They are remembered now as the halcyon and money-happy interval between the war against Soviet totalitarianism and the war against Islamic totalitarianism, but the truth is that, even in the years immediately following the cold war, history never relented. The '90s were a decade of genocides—unimpeded (Rwanda) and partially impeded (Bosnia) and impeded (Kosovo). The relative success of those genocides was owed generally to the indifference of that chimera known as "the international community," but, more specifically, it was owed to the learning curve of an American president about the moral — and therefore the operational — difference between genocide and other foreign policy crises. The difference is simple. In the response to most foreign policy crises, the use of military force is properly viewed as a last resort. In the response to genocide, the use of military force is properly viewed as a first resort.

The notion of force as a first resort defies the foundations of diplomacy and also of common sense: A willingness to use hard power abroad must not become a willingness to use it wildly. But if you are not willing to use force against genocide immediately, then you do not understand what genocide is. Genocide is not a crisis that escalates into evil. It is evil from its inception. It may change in degree if it is allowed to proceed, but it does not change in kind. It begins with the worst. Nor is its gravity to be measured quantitatively: The intention to destroy an entire group is present in the destruction of even a small number of people from that group. It makes no sense, therefore, to speak of ending genocide later. If you end it later, you will not have ended it. If Hitler had been stopped after the murder of three million Jews, would he be said to have failed? Four hundred thousand Darfuris have already been murdered by the Janjaweed, the Arab Einsatzgruppen. If we were to prevent the murder of the 400,001st, will we be said to have succeeded?

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