The second of a five-part series.
Marco Di Lauro/Getty Images
Chinese workers labor at the Al Mogran project in Khartoum, Sudan. The largest commercial construction site in Africa, it spans more than 1,500 acres and is scheduled for completion in five to 15 years.
Chinese workers labor at the Al Mogran project in Khartoum, Sudan. The largest commercial construction site in Africa, it spans more than 1,500 acres and is scheduled for completion in five to 15 years. Marco Di Lauro/Getty Images
China's role in Africa is becoming increasingly important and controversial.
In recent years, China's trade with the continent has reached more than $55 billion and continues to grow, with predictions that it will double by 2020, if not before.
China is now Africa's third largest trading partner. But as its profile has grown on the continent, so have concerns about Beijing's hands-off policy on internal affairs and human rights' issues, from Sudan to Zimbabwe.
Read more in this series.
As an economic giant with huge investments in Sudan's oil industry, China could use its friendly influence to sway the government in Khartoum on a variety of issues. But many Sudanese say China's hand in their affairs is so soft it is almost imperceptible.
Ghazi Suleiman, a lawyer and economist in Khartoum, talks about China like a lover, describing economic investment in terms of kisses.
"If someone is exchanging with you kisses," Suleiman says, "you don't like him?"
In the inferno of summer in Khartoum, Suleiman appears to be a lion in winter. In his office, a fan purrs. He wears a crisp, white suit to match a full head of soft, white curls. He also wears the smile of a single man half his age.
Suleiman says China became Sudan's most important trading partner, when the West turned away. "Chinese are exchanging with us kisses and the Americans are keeping their face away from us. It's very simple," he says.
But the story of the relationship between Sudan and China is hardly simple at all. It is a story of a long courtship, complete with rival attractions and expensive gifts.
Following The Money
The Khartoum Stock Exchange occupies a large, airy room with tile floors, a tiny bullpen and a few laptops. Young men in suits and women in head scarves are chatting each other up, waiting for a rally to start. This is "The Little Stock Exchange That Could" — there are only 53 companies listed, and they trade for exactly one hour each day from Sunday to Thursday.
One hour is apparently more than enough, since the companies on the Khartoum exchange do not actually reflect where Sudan's real money comes from. This economy runs on foreign investment in oil. Japan, Malaysia and India buy a lot of Sudan's oil, but the Chinese have cornered the market. Economist Ali Abdalla Ali, a chief consultant to the exchange, says the Chinese have already invested billions of dollars.
"We're satisfying about 7 percent of the requirement of China," Ali says. "Seven percent. And the investment in oil until 2006 was about $9 billion. Only in oil. People are grateful to [the Chinese] because they did this. There are some hitches here and there, you know. But generally, they do for us what other countries would not dare to do."
'China Was Ready'
Ali, who has written a history of relations between Sudan and China, writes that the relationship heated up in the 1970s, when Chairman Mao Zedong sent aid to Sudan in the form of doctors, engineers, construction workers and interest-free loans.
At that time, the Chinese had neither the technology nor the inclination to drill for oil in Sudan. But the Americans did, and Chevron explored the fields until a north-south civil war threatened the company's investment and it pulled out. Shortly thereafter, Khartoum backed Iraqi President Saddam Hussein in the Gulf War and U.S. sanctions began. When the West pulled out, Ali says, China was ready.
"China became an elephant because of the stupidity and narrow-mindedness of other elephants," Ali says, referring to the U.S. and Europe. He and others in Khartoum can be very critical of foreign powers, including China.
Ali resents the ancillary businesses the Chinese have set up — like hotels, travel agencies and grocery stores — to serve their oil workers in the country. He says the Chinese are taking jobs away from Sudanese who badly need them.
"The Chinese now are different from the Chinese of the '70s," Ali says. "They are more businesslike. They are really tough businessmen."
The Darfur Factor
While economic reforms have revolutionized China into a major world power, Sudan's growth has been hampered by years of civil war, agricultural decline, military coups and spats with the West. And then, of course, there is Darfur.
"Actually, we have been talking to the government of Sudan," says Liu Guijin, China's envoy to Darfur, speaking last year at peace talks in Libya.
"We have maintained a very close contact and consultations with the government of Sudan. Me, myself, when I was nominated the special representative to Darfur, I went to Darfur myself," Liu says.
At the United Nations, China has abstained from voting on most measures designed to entice or force Sudan to protect human rights there.
"Of course, we are against the idea of using sanctions to solve the problem," Liu says, "because there is only one way to solve the problem in Darfur, and that's through dialogue, consultation."
With the exception of China's support for peacekeepers in Darfur, Safwat Fanous, who teaches political science at Khartoum University and is in Parliament as a member of the ruling National Congress Party, has seen no effort by China to help resolve the region's underlying issues.
"Usually in Sudan there are very few secrets," Fanous says. "If China was playing a mediator role, or putting [on] pressure, we should have seen the results of it."
What is even more curious, Fanous says, is that China has kept such a low profile during recent fighting in Sudan's Abeyei region between government forces and the army of semi-autonomous southern Sudan. The two sides are fighting over control of the nation's oil supply.
"China has been silent. Completely silent," Fanous says, noting it has "a lot at stake. So you really wonder how the Chinese are just watching these partners fighting each other, which affects their own investment."
Agitating For A Democracy
On a purely ideological level, Fanous wonders whether there is any communist ideology left in the People's Republic of China.
"The Sudanese Communist Party is defending the poor people of Sudan in rural areas and urban areas. But the Chinese investment in Sudan has nothing to do with poor people. The Sudanese Communist Party — it has to be embarrassed," he says.
The headquarters of the Communist Party of Sudan are on a quiet residential street in Khartoum. The sign out front is pink, like the bougainvillea flowing over the fence. But Sudan's communists are not exactly carrying around copies of the Little Red Book, either.
Lawmaker Suleiman Hamid El Had says the Sudanese are less concerned with ideology and more interested in survival: "Some people in the Sudan — they eat only one meal a day. Millions of people. It's very difficult."
Nearly all of Sudan's main political parties appear to be agitating for the basic trappings of a democracy, including national elections scheduled for sometime next year. The country has not had multi-party elections in a generation, since well before the military coup that brought the ruling National Congress Party to power.
People in Sudan say they want to control their own destiny.
"You don't know how much we can love you, provided you don't try to tell us what to do," economist Ali Abdalla Ali says as a warning to the outside world. "You cannot impose your culture on me. But if you respect my culture and if you try to be good to me and really think in terms of the human side of me, we'll be ready to stand on your side, you know."
China and Sudan may be trading kisses, but the Sudanese would prefer the relationship go no further.