Copyright ©2008 NPR. For personal, noncommercial use only. See Terms of Use. For other uses, prior permission required.

RENEE MONTAGNE, host:

There are many ways to measure the problems still plaguing Afghanistan. One of them is the poor state of the country's justice system. It's a weakness that the Taliban and other militant groups are exploiting to undermine the government. This week, NPR correspondent Soraya Sarhaddi Nelson investigates Afghanistan's troubled legal system and its impact on the growing insurgency. Her first story takes us to a court in the capital.

SORAYA SARHADDI NELSON: The shackled prisoner in a pinstriped tunic enters Chief Judge Gholam Mahmoud Khan's cramped office that doubles as his courtroom in downtown Kabul. Save for the handcuffs, which the judge quickly orders removed, this feels more like an Afghan social gathering over cups of green tea than a trial for public drinking, assault, and threatening the police. Yet Western influence on such post-Taliban era trials is undeniable. For one, there's a female prosecutor. Even more unusual is the presence of a public defender who also happens to be a woman. Both are dressed conservatively with Islamic-style headscarves.

Ms. MALEHA EBRAHIMI (Afghan Defense Attorney): (Foreign language spoken)

NELSON: Maleha Ebrahimi quickly pokes holes in the case against her client. She says he's illiterate and didn't understand the confession he signed with his thumbprint. She adds that neither a knife nor a bottle was found at the time of his arrest. Plus, the name on the toxicology report did not fully match her client's.

Mr. MOHAMMAD HARUN: (Foreign language spoken)

NELSON: But her client blows it. Mohammad Harun tells the judge that he did drink alcohol, which is a crime here. He also openly threatens the police, who he claims beat him up in jail. His attorney purses her lips, but says nothing.

Judge GHOLAM MAHMOUD KHAN (Afghan Judge): (Foreign language spoken)

NELSON: After conferring with two assistant judges, Khan renders his verdict. Guilty of drinking alcohol and threatening the police, but acquitted of assault for lack of evidence. The sentence is three months for the drinking and the equivalent of $60 for the threat. Be glad that I don't put you in jail for longer, the judge tells Harun.

For a court system that had to be rebuilt after a quarter-century of chaos, this trial went well. But Afghan and Western law experts here say such experiences are the exception rather than the rule. Most here describe the Afghan court system as a bureaucratic maze that is incredibly corrupt. John Dempsey is an American lawyer who heads the Kabul office of the U.S. Institute of Peace, an NGO which is working on Afghan judicial reform. He says if he were to give the Afghan justice system a letter grade, it would be a D-minus.

Mr. JOHN DEMPSEY (Lawyer, U.S. Institute of Peace): It's not failed, but they are on the brink. And I say that not, you know, lightly. I think that there has to be more attention paid by the international community to rule of law in Afghanistan. I think it's critical to the overall efforts here in reconstructing the country and in defeating the insurgency. I think security and rule of law go hand in hand.

NELSON: He and others, like Afghan lawmaker Daud Sultanzai, believe fixing the court system could take a generation.

Mr. DAUD SULTANZAI (Afghan Lawmaker): I think corruption and nepotism and Mafioso economy and the warlords and drug lords have given hands to each other, and they've gotten together, and the first sacrifice in this unholy alliance is justice. The first victim is justice.

NELSON: Sultanzai, who represents southern Ghazni province and may run in next year's presidential elections, blames President Hamid Karzai and former warlords for the failure of Afghan justice. He asks what Afghans are supposed to think when a powerful warlord refused to surrender to authorities to face charges earlier this year stemming from the severe beating of a political rival. Uzbek strongman Abdul Rashid Dostum was dismissed from a largely ceremonial post in the government, but never went to trial.

Interference by strongmen is also alleged in the case of Parwez Kambakhsh, a university student who received a death sentence this year in northern Balkh province for blasphemy. The sentence was later commuted to 20 years in prison. Dempsey says Kambakhsh, who was jailed for questioning Islam's treatment of women, has yet to receive a fair trial.

Mr. DEMPSEY: How his case has been handled from the beginning up until now highlights the fact that the Afghan justice system isn't working. Nobody from the prosecutors to the judges to the police have followed the criminal procedure code as they should, and they've routinely neglected to provide Kambakhsh his rights.

NELSON: So why is the judicial system in such a mess? The story begins in 2001 at an international conference on Afghanistan that followed the ouster of the Taliban. At that meeting, Italy was given the task of rebuilding the justice system here. As with most institutions in the country, that amounted to starting from scratch. The semi-Western system of law that was established in the 1960s was wiped out in a quarter century of war. Judges and lawyers fled or were killed. Most of the legal professionals left in Afghanistan were graduates of religious madrassas rather than universities.

Many here say the Italians were overwhelmed. But few international partners stepped in to help. Most were busy with other major projects, like rebuilding Afghanistan's security forces. Abdul Malik Kamawi is an Afghan Supreme Court justice and chief administrator for the body which is in charge of the judicial system here.

Dr. ABDUL MALIK KAMAWI (Afghan Supreme Court Justice): (Through Translator) The Supreme Court was like a patient in a coma when it started to work seven years ago. We had no courthouses, no professional experts, and no way of implementing modern laws.

NELSON: Nor were judges paid livable wages. Kamawi says that helped spawn a culture of bribe-taking that continues to this day. Nevertheless, he says there has been progress, especially in the past two years. Donors have pledged hundreds of millions of dollars to build courthouses and train judicial officers.

But others, like Afghan law expert Wadir Safi, say that progress is negligible. Safi is executive director of the Italian-funded National Legal Training Center that opened recently at Kabul University. He recalls a recent exchange between a donor and a colleague who was training judges. The donor wanted to know if the trainer saw any difference in the judges after their course.

Mr. WADIR SAFI (Executive Director, National Legal Training Center, Kabul University): He, as a joke, said, yes, we see some difference. They say, what? They said before we were training in a case, they were asking $1,000. And after you train them, they ask $10,000 for the same case because they know better now.

(Soundbite of laughter)

NELSON: But to the defense lawyers at one Kabul legal aid office, bribes are no laughing matter. The group, called Da Qanoon Ghushtonky, which means Law Seekers in Pashto, says most of its clients are asked to pay bribes. That's similar to what the Asia Foundation found in its survey - 51 percent of the Afghans interviewed reported corruption-related experiences in the court system. Freshta Karimi is the legal aid group's director.

Ms. FRESHTA KARIMI (Director, Da Qanoon Ghushtonky): Every time whenever a defense lawyer is meeting their client at the beginning, they tell the client that they should not pay a judge or a prosecutor because it's also a crime.

NELSON: Equally challenging, she says, is to make sure judges and prosecutors respect defendants' rights. Soraya Sarhaddi Nelson, NPR News, Kabul.

(Soundbite of music)

MONTAGNE: Our series continues tomorrow with a story on the frontier justice of the Taliban.

Copyright © 2008 NPR. All rights reserved. No quotes from the materials contained herein may be used in any media without attribution to NPR. This transcript is provided for personal, noncommercial use only, pursuant to our Terms of Use. Any other use requires NPR's prior permission. Visit our permissions page for further information.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by a contractor for NPR, and accuracy and availability may vary. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Please be aware that the authoritative record of NPR's programming is the audio.

Comments

 

Please keep your community civil. All comments must follow the NPR.org Community rules and terms of use, and will be moderated prior to posting. NPR reserves the right to use the comments we receive, in whole or in part, and to use the commenter's name and location, in any medium. See also the Terms of Use, Privacy Policy and Community FAQ.

Support comes from: