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Law Enforcement Officers in New Jersey Are Transferring More and More Immigrants to ICE

Law enforcement agencies in New Jersey are turning over undocumented immigrants to federal authorities at a rate that is increasing under the Trump Administration and is higher than the national average, according to a new report from the progressive think tank New Jersey Policy Perspective. The report focuses on detainer requests that Immigration and Customs Enforcement makes to law enforcement agencies after local police arrest an undocumented immigrant. The ICE detainers are formal requests, made to officials at municipal police departments and county jails, to hold onto immigrants for 48 hours after they are due to be released on whatever local offenses they were initially arrested for. That gives ICE time to take them into custody. Local authorities are not required to honor ICE's requests, which skyrocketed 87.5 percent in New Jersey in 2017 compared to 2016. New Jersey authorities comply with 63 percent of the requests, compared to just 54 percent nationally, according to the report. The contrast with New York is startling. Earlier this week a New York appellate court ruled that it is unconstitutional for police officers to hold immigrant prisoners for ICE without a warrant issued by a judge. New York City officials already refuse to honor such requests from ICE, unless the immigrants are convicted of a serious crime. Such "immigration holds," as they are also known, cost local governments money—at least $12 million in New Jersey from 2007 to 2017 for the extra time prisoners were kept locked up. Immigrants on detainer requests are estimated to be held an average of 24 days past their release date, even though the request technically applies only to the first 48 hours. Shortly after this data was released Wednesday, New Jersey Attorney General Gurbir Grewal announced that he is rewriting a 2007 directive from his predecessor, former Attorney General Anne Milgram, which requires local officers to call ICE before releasing someone charged with an indictable crime and suspected of being an undocumented immigrant. The directive is often interpreted as a green light for police and jail officials to fulfill detainers, according to immigration activists. Grewal said he is conferring with immigrant rights organizations to write a new directive to be issued in the next two to three weeks. "A 2007 immigration directive can't reflect the immigration realities of 2018," Grewal said. Those "immigration realities" include a Trump Administration policy that calls for the arrest and deportation of undocumented immigrants who don't have criminal records. ICE arrests in New Jersey spiked 43 percent in 2017, to 3,311, double the national rate. Activists argue that if immigrants are afraid local police will turn them over to ICE for deportation, it makes them less likely to report crimes and therefore threatens public safety. "Everyone is less safe when our state and local law enforcement work with ICE in such a way that our communities lose their faith in police," said Johanna Calle, director of the New Jersey Alliance for Immigrant Justice. But officials at ICE make the opposite argument. They point to a recent case where an undocumented Mexican man was released from custody at the Middlesex County Jail even though ICE requested he be detained after his release date. That man is now charged with killing three people in Missouri. Middlesex officials said if the man he was deemed such a safety risk at the time, ICE could have sought a warrant from a judge and taken him into custody that way. Amol Sinha, executive director of the New Jersey American Civil Liberties Union, said that "if someone is a true public safety threat, we have systems in place to keep them away from the public." Seventeen of New Jersey's 21 counties honor detainer requests from ICE. Two—Middlesex and Ocean—put restrictions on the types of offenses that qualify. Only Burlington and Union do not fulfill the requests. But even if officials at county jails do not hand over a released prisoner to ICE, cooperation happens on a daily basis. In September, Rutgers University Police arrested an undocumented Mexican immigrant in New Brunswick for driving under the influence, carrying a fake ID and a range of other offenses, according to Pete McDonough, Rutgers' senior vice president of external affairs. Though the university does not honor detainer requests, it does follow the 2007 Attorney General guidelines to alert ICE about the arrests of undocumented immigrants. In this case, ICE officers picked up the Mexican immigrant before he was released by Rutgers and transferred him to federal custody. He is now at Elizabeth Contract Detention Center awaiting a hearing on his deportation, according to activists.

Law Enforcement Officers in New Jersey Are Transferring More and More Immigrants to ICE

Care Center Under Scrutiny After 10th Child Dies from Viral Outbreak

The Wanaque Center for Nursing and Rehabilitation is on its seventh week fighting a viral outbreak. Ten children have died and at least 30 have been infected with adenovirus, according to state officials. The northern New Jersey facility is one of four centers that offers long-term care to the state's sickest and most frail children. Its practices have come under scrutiny and several reports have revealed a lack of transparency in how it's run and regulated. Lindy Washburn, health care reporter for The Record, recently reported that one surprising problem with regulating Wanaque is that the center cares for two different populations with very different needs: children and the elderly. "It was a surprise to me that the same [state] standards for inspections apply to both to kids and adults." Washburn told WNYC's Jami Floyd. "It's kind of a on-size-fits-all blanket regulation, even if it's a 90-year-old patient with dementia or a six-year-old child who has a feeding tube and relies on a ventilator to breathe." Click 'Listen' for the full interview.

New York Court Finds Local Police Can't Make Immigration Arrests

An appellate court in Brooklyn ruled Wednesday that local police officers in New York state can't arrest immigrants solely to turn them over to Immigration and Customs Enforcement without a judicial warrant. The case involved Susai Francis, an Indian national living on Long Island who overstayed a visa in the 1990s. After an arrest in Nassau County in June, 2017, for driving under the influence, he was transferred to Suffolk County to complete a different proceeding there involving a criminal charge. In December, he pleaded guilty to disorderly conduct and was sentence to time served. But instead of letting him leave court, Suffolk police rearrested him at the request of Immigration and Customs Enforcement. He was taken to a jail cell in Riverhead rented by ICE. On Wednesday, a three-judge appellate court panel found this violated state law because the Suffolk police went beyond their authority. ICE detainers ask police to hold someone already in custody for 48 hours, to facilitate a transfer. By putting Francis back in jail, the court found Suffolk went too far. The ruling said, "local law enforcement officers are not authorized to effectuate arrests for civil law immigration violations." The court found they could, however, if ICE showed them a warrant signed by a judge. The case was brought by the New York Civil Liberties Union. Associate Legal Director Chris Dunn said the ruling set a precedent because it applies to all local police, statewide. "No York York state law enforcement official has any authority to arrest and detain an immigrant to deliver to ICE merely upon the request of ICE," he said. "That practice has to end not only in Suffolk County but in Nassau County and all around the state." He estimated that hundreds of immigrants have been arrested this way in Suffolk in the past year. New York City does not honor requests from ICE to detain immigrants for 48 hours if they're in jail or police custody, unless they've been convicted of a serious crime or there's a judicial warrant. Detainer requests shot up in New York City last year but most were not honored. According to Newsday Suffolk County began letting police arrest and detain people for ICE under the previous sheriff, after President Trump was elected, but the current sheriff announced he would end the policy after the ruling on Wednesday. The ruling does not affect Francis, who is in now in ICE detention in New Jersey.

Unpacking Amazon's Incentives in New York

You've heard the big news: Amazon is coming to Queens, opening a new office for an estimated 25,000 workers in Long Island City. And in return for doing that, New York State and state have promised some serious subsidies and incentives to the company: as much as $3 billion. But what does that money get the city? And what strings are attached? New York Governor Andrew Cuomo said taxpayers will get a nine-to-one return on investment in the deal. But David Friedfel, Director of State Studies at the Citizens Budget Commission, told Jami Floyd it's quite hard to make that kind of estimate at this point in the project. "I'm always trepidatious when I hear numbers regarding return on investment, certainly when they're calculated at this early stage," he said on All Things Considered. "To use them as a justification for spending billions of dollars — it adds additional layers of things to think about." He spoke with WNYC about what we know of the details of the money involved in the Amazon deal in New York. To hear the full interview, click "Listen."

As Homeless Students Spread Across NYC, Support Is Stretched Thin

In the 19 years that Mary has lived in Astoria, Queens, she has seen luxury condos replace squat apartments at a steady pace. The gentrification reached her doorstep last summer when she was evicted. That was the moment when Mary and her two children found themselves homeless, joining the record number of people seeking services from the New York City homeless shelter system. Even more than housing, Mary said she worried about her children losing the stability and community of their schools. Her son had autism, and attended a special-education program that was good for him. "My daughter would have adjusted to another school, but not Vinnie," Mary said. "If you have any special-needs child, to keep them in what they're comfortable in, their routines, especially when you're dealing with anything on the autism spectrum, it's really important." But her concern was not unique: given the changing patterns of homelessness in the city, advocates told WNYC many families felt as though they had to choose between a new school and a long commute. With a record-high 152,839 homeless students in New York City, systems to keep families in their schools and their neighborhoods are stretched thin. Housing instability is increasing fastest in neighborhoods beyond the historic centers of homelessness — and homeless shelters — in the South Bronx and Central Brooklyn. The administration of Mayor Bill de Blasio has responded with several programs, promising a "borough by borough, neighborhood by neighborhood approach" to shelter placements. According to the Department of Homeless Services, 73 percent of families for whom domestic violence was not a consideration were placed in shelters in the boroughs where their youngest child attends school. But that didn't happen for Mary and her family. She was offered a temporary housing placement in Harlem, more than more than an hour away from her children's schools in Queens. When city agencies transferred two hundred homeless families this summer to shelters closer to where they lived before, Mary's family wasn't one of them. Eager to move before schools opened, Mary asked the supervisor at the Harlem shelter to transfer her to another family site operated by the same organization in Astoria. A few weeks later, she and her family were back in the community they knew best. New Initiatives Education officials told WNYC the issue of student homelessness was "a top priority." Earlier this month, they unveiled a new initiative to place about 100 community coordinators in schools with the largest populations of homeless students. "They're going to have 100 percent of their time focused on the students in temporary housing and help connect them to resources, such as expanded learning time, mental health services, connections to food pantries, nutrition programs, and social workers," said Chris Caruso, who heads the Community Schools program at the Department of Education. "These are the things that our students need to be successful, and we're confident that we'll be able to provide that for them." The coordinators will offer another line of support that extended beyond the nearly 70 social workers who addressed the needs of homeless students in schools worst affected by housing instability. One of those schools is P.S. 294 where one-third of the student population is homeless, and many more were teetering on the brink. "All of the smart hard work that the teachers are doing can't reach students that are worried about their mother being a victim of domestic violence, that are worried about their mother's car being stolen," said Principal Dan Russo. "They're worried about the fact that they need to need to sneak a little bit of extra lunch in the cafeteria because there's not food at home for dinner." In a school where so many were in flux, Russo said the work every day was focused on stability, including being relentless about student attendance. "I'm not going to sit in my office and log 10 unanswered parent phone calls so that I can pull that log out some day and say we tried to call," he said emphatically. "I'm going to try twice, and if I can't find you, I'm going to your house because the truth of the matter is, I need to see you, period. So that's just it, you have to be tireless with the work. You have to be." Schools without such sizable populations of homeless students might not be as equipped to support them. And yet that is where the rate of student homelessness is growing fastest. Out of Reach Christine Quinn, the former City Council Speaker, is the president and CEO of Women in Need, the city's largest shelter provider to families. She said she supported the mayor's effort to keep families close to home but also worried about kids who stay in the same school but with very different circumstances. "That school may have no awareness that that kid is now homeless, no awareness of that trauma," she said. "I'm sure they have the paperwork somewhere, but does each teacher really know?" That's something that Mary wondered as she walked her son to his bus stop one morning. After he reluctantly boarded the bus, Mary said Vinnie was more anxious about school this year, and she worried he might be getting bullied for being homeless. When they first moved back to Queens, Mary said her children were excited about living in a shelter that was a converted motel. Now, she said, they don't use the word "shelter" anymore.

With More Lawyers for Tenants, City Says Evictions are Dropping

On a typical weekday morning in Brooklyn housing court, there are lines of people just to get into a courtroom. People are pressed so close together you can hear tenants grousing about bedbugs and broken heating systems. In the past, almost all of the attorneys here were representing landlords. But starting last year, New York City's Right to Counsel law has provided free lawyers for tenants in 15 ZIP Codes throughout the city, three in each borough. The law is gradually rolling out and will serve 400,000 tenants when fully implemented in 2022, costing $155 million annually by that time. New city data show the program is already working. "We now see that in the first ZIP codes of the five-year phase-in, 56 percent of tenants now have representation in contrast to 1 percent of tenants citywide that had representation in 2013," said New York City Social Services Commissioner Steven Banks. And evictions declined by 27 percent in that time period, Banks said. Those changes weren't solely propelled by the Right to Counsel law. The city already started piloting free lawyers for tenants in 2014, along with other anti-eviction services. It spent $77 million in the last fiscal year on those programs plus Right to Counsel. In Brooklyn, Right to Counsel means tenants from the three eligible ZIP codes are routed to a sixth floor court room. If they make up to 200 percent of the federal poverty guideline, they're connected with lawyers. Alfred Toussaint is a program manager with CAMBA legal services in Brooklyn, one of 20 legal service providers contracted through the Right to Counsel. Toussaint said rent-stabilized tenants often get into trouble when landlords take them to housing court. "They tend not to know all the laws and the rights that they have in these particular apartments," he explained. "So they enter into agreements that otherwise they would not have entered into if they knew the defenses that are available to them." One of his clients, who didn't want to give her name because she feared retaliation by her landlord, said CAMBA enabled her to keep her apartment after she fell behind on her rent in May. She said she lost her job as a home healthcare aid when she got sick. "There's a lot of legal things I'm learning from them," she said, of CAMBA. Touissant explained that his organization helped her apply for public assistance and a city program that would cover part of her rent. But legal representation takes time. Attorney Jeff Hulbert works with many building owners in the Bronx neighborhoods with free attorneys. When tenants get lawyers, he said, things slow down. "With the tenants coming to court saying they need to speak to an attorney, it gets adjourned," he explained. "The attorney comes back to court, says I have to speak to my client, it gets adjourned. Third time it's, you know, I can't settle it we have to pick a trial date, it's adjourned again." By then, he said, a landlord can spend 90 days or more without getting the rent. He suggests speeding things along by assigning a lawyer before the tenant's first day in court. Jean Schneider, the chief judge in charge of New York City's housing court, agreed there's room for improvement. But overall she said, she loves the new law. "Having a lawyer on both sides makes the court fairer," she said And she believes cases are taking longer in many cases because problems are being addressed. "The tenant lawyers that are being paid for by the city are raising issues, like whether the rent that's been sued for is the legal rent or not," she noted. "Whether there's an overcharge involved." Schneider acknowledged lawyers are filing 15 percent more motions in housing court before a case is resolved. But she said they're filing 15 percent fewer motions afterwards. She suggests that's because attorneys for landlords and tenants worked out a deal that spares everyone the need to return to court. "They know what to expect," she surmised. But a year after Right to Counsel went into effect, advocates argue it still leaves out too many needy people. They note that tenants making minimum wage aren't eligible for free lawyers because they're considered above the income threshold. Bronx Councilwoman Vanessa Gibson and Councilman Mark Levine of Upper Manhattan recently introduced a Right to Counsel 2.0 that would raise the income threshold to $48,000 a year for a single person and twice that amount for a family of four. The cost of the plan has yet to be evaluated. Gibson acknowledged it won't be an easy lift, because the courts are so busy and the current law is rolling out over five years in order to hire enough lawyers for every neighborhood and avoid putting too much of a burden on the courts. "I recognize the hardship the city has faced in trying to implement this, it has not been easy," she said. But added the Bronx and Brooklyn housing courts are supposed to move to bigger facilities. She also said the new law would include non-eviction cases and appeals, while providing more outreach to tenants so they can connect with lawyers earlier, as landlords prefer. Regardless of how the proposal proceeds, Right to Counsel is expanding as scheduled. Five more ZIP codes were added this week.

New York State to Kick in $1.5 Billion in Subsidies for Amazon HQ

ALBANY, N.Y. (AP) - Amazon stands to get more than $1.5 billion in grants and tax breaks from New York state in exchange for bringing at least 25,000 workers to a new campus in Queens, a record-setting incentive package that was both cheered and jeered Tuesday by elected officials in the city. At a celebratory news conference, Gov. Andrew Cuomo acknowledged that the economic development plan offered to Amazon to move to Long Island City was the richest in state history. The company would get city and state help settling into a site along a boat basin on the East River, now occupied by a gritty mix of private industrial buildings, parking lots and city-owned properties. Amazon would invest $2.5 billion of its own money to create the campus, and if it hits its hiring and building targets, the company would get $1.2 billion in tax credits over 10 years plus a cash grant of $325 million. New York's incentives were nearly triple those offered by Virginia, which also landed 25,000 Amazon jobs in the Washington suburbs. But Cuomo, a Democrat, insisted his offer would pay off with $27.5 billion in new tax revenue. He said that amounted to a $9 return for every dollar of taxpayer funds. "This is a big moneymaker for us," he said. "It costs us nothing — nada, niente, goose egg. We make money doing this." The plan was immediately assailed by others as a corporate giveaway. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, a Democrat newly elected to Congress from Queens, said on Twitter that her constituents were outraged that the company would be getting so much public support "at a time when our subway is crumbling." "We need to focus on good healthcare, living wages, affordable rent. Corporations that offer none of those things should be met w/ skepticism," she wrote. City Council Speaker Corey Johnson said he was skeptical of the plan and couldn't understand why a company as rich as Amazon would need any public support. State Sen. Michael Gianaris and City Councilman Jimmy Van Bramer, Democrats who represent the Long Island City area, also condemned the deal. "We are witness to a cynical game in which Amazon duped New York into offering unprecedented amounts of tax dollars to one of the wealthiest companies on Earth for a promise of jobs that would represent less than 3 percent of the jobs typically created in our city over a 10-year period," they said in a joint statement. More powerful city Democrats, though, lined up in support of the project, which represented a rare moment of close cooperation between Cuomo and Mayor Bill de Blasio, a fellow Democrat but frequent political rival. De Blasio, who campaigned for office on a promise to give more thought to regular New Yorkers than big corporations, called the deal "an extraordinary day for Queens." The opportunity to create 25,000 mostly well-paying jobs outside well-off Manhattan, he said, trumped concerns about whether the project would overburden the neighborhood's subways, schools or sewers. He promised it would benefit even residents of a nearby public housing development, one of the nation's largest. Part of the deal involved setting aside part of expected new tax revenue for projects that would benefit all of Long Island City and western Queens, not just the area being taken over by Amazon, he said. New York's inventive package would give Amazon roughly $48,000 in benefits for every job it created in the state, compared to $22,000 for Virginia and $13,000 for Tennessee. Amazon vice president for real estate John Schoettler said the company, which already has a large presence in New York City, planned to start hiring next year. Securing part of Amazon's second headquarters represents Cuomo's biggest economic development project, topping his "Buffalo Billion" initiative in western New York. Some of his other initiatives haven't panned out as hoped. The construction a Tesla solar panel manufacturing plant hasn't created the number of jobs Cuomo expected. His top economic development adviser was convicted of corruption charges linked to the project. "It certainly appears New York is being overwhelmingly generous," said David Friedfel, director of state studies for the Citizens Budget Commission, a nonpartisan state government watchdog group. "And we have a history of providing economic development benefits that don't pan out."

NY State Legislature Gears Up For Next Session, With New Leadership

For Democrats, the New York Senate was the place where their favorite legislation came to die. The State Assembly, controlled overwhelmingly from Democrats from New York City, would draft legislation and pass it, but then it would get stuck in the Republican-led State Senate. Democratic lawmakers are eager to change that pattern in 2019, when they take control of the Senate for the first time in years, and both legislative chambers, and the governor's office, become blue. "We've been trying to do election reform forever," State Sen. Andrea Stewart-Cousins told WNYC's Jami Floyd. "In Florida, they were able to ban bump-stocks — we haven't been able to do that. There are a lot of things that people expect for New York to be [a leader] on, and we're certainly going to be moving those forward." Sen. Stewart-Cousins, who represents southern Westchester, will likely become the senate's next Majority Leader and the first woman to hold a leadership position in Albany. The legislative session will begin in January.

City's Homeless Plan Isn't Keeping Pace

In the University Heights section of the Bronx, a 200-bed shelter for homeless men overlooking the Harlem River opened earlier this year. There's a lounge on every floor, an outdoor patio, and a kitchen where meals are cooked for those who want them. "It's mellow," said resident Jarrod Shellock, 46, a disabled veteran who served in Desert Storm, Somalia and Afghanistan. "There's no fighting, and there's no stealing." The University Heights shelter is one of the new high-quality facilities that Mayor Bill de Blasio promised to open in February of 2017, when he announced an overhaul of the city's approach to homelessness. The expanded capacity would not only accommodate New York's growing homeless population, but it would also allow the Department of Homeless Services to phase out the private apartments—called clusters—and hotels where the city had been putting clients, but which were often dilapidated and unsafe. The mayor set out a timeline for himself during that speech: he said 90 shelters would open over five years at a rate of around 20 shelters each year. That means that by now, more than a year and a half later, more than 30 should be in operation. Instead, just 17 of them — a little over half — have opened. In an interview with WNYC, Social Services Commissioner Steven Banks defended the progress the city has made, and said the city will meet its goal of opening 90 shelters by 2022 —even though it will mean doubling the city's pace so far. "We have a lot more to do to address this problem that's been decades in the making," he said. "But some of the metrics that we look at are moving in the right direction." Opening new homeless shelters is a difficult task under any circumstance: they have met with resistance in neighborhoods from Crown Heights, Brooklyn; to midtown Manhattan; to Ozone Park, Queens. But some homeless experts, like Christine Quinn, the former City Council speaker who now runs Women in Need, argue the system for creating the new shelters is odd, if not inefficient. That's because the city does not build the shelters directly. Rather, private developers do; shelter operators like hers then lease the buildings from those developers; and the city pays the shelter operator. Quinn said that if the Department of Homeless Services was also actively looking for sites, more shelters would be built, and they would be built faster. "If we keep building shelters the way we're building shelters," she said, "and if the city's involvement stays at the level it presently is, I don't know why the process would speed up." The mayor's February 2017 homeless plan also called spreading out shelters to different communities, instead of concentrating them in certain low-income neighborhoods. "If a community board has 50 people in shelter system, we want them to have some kind of capacity like that," de Blasio said at the time. "If they have thousands, we want them to have capacity for the people from their neighborhood." City officials say they've made some progress on this front. Social Services Commissioner Steven Banks said shelters have been opened in neighborhoods that didn't have any before, such as Far Rockaway. But data from the Department of Homeless Services shows a different story: the same imbalances present a year and a half ago persist to this day. Most of the neighborhoods that should be hosting significantly more homeless people—community districts covering Staten Island's North Shore, Ditmas Park and Flatbush in Brooklyn, and Glendale and Maspeth in Queens—are not. Community districts that include midtown Manhattan, East Elmhurst and Jackson Heights in Queens, and Sunset Park in Brooklyn, are still doing more than their fair share. Even when the administration sets out to correct some of the imbalances, sometimes things don't change. Take Community District 6 in the central Bronx as an example. When de Blasio announced his plan, a lot of homeless people lived in cluster sites this area, which is to the west of the Bronx Zoo, according to data from the Department of Homeless Services. The city closed a lot of those clusters — which would theoretically decrease the homeless population in the area. But, at the same time, the city also opened three new shelters there. Now, the data for Community District 6 looks exactly the way it did when the mayor announced the new plan: It has at least 1,300 people in shelters who are not from there. City Councilman Ritchie Torres, who represents the area, applauds how the city closed cluster sites in his district. And while he doesn't oppose shelters outright, he does believe that the area is doing more than its fair share of housing the homeless. "There ought to be a more equitable distribution of shelters throughout the city," he said. Lylla Younes contributed data analysis.

Yeah, the Mandarin Is Great, But Have You Seen a Wood Duck?

For weeks, New Yorkers and people across the internet have been agog at the striking sight of a Mandarin duck paddling around Central Park's ponds. But while its bright plumage might make it an Instagram star, the Mandarin is far from the only notable duck to grace the five boroughs. As National Audubon Society editor Purbita Saha tells WNYC's David Furst, Central Park is great for waterfowl because of all the...water. The park is particularly good for duck watching, thanks to its many lakes and ponds, and is home to a variety of species including Wood Ducks, Northern Shovelers (of which Saha says "they look really normal, until you take a closer look at their schnozz") and Buffleheads. Saha says Jamaica Bay is worth a trip to try and spot a species of sea duck called the surf scoter. "It has this clown-like face, so if you have a clown phobia, maybe stay away," Saha said. "And they kind of line up and just ride the surf." For more tidbits about New York City's ducks, listen to the full interview above. And scroll down to look at these ducking beauties. A Wood Duck. (Harry Collins/Audubon Photography Awards) A surf scoter (Tom Benson /Flickr) a Northern Shoveler (Dave Inman/Flickr) a Bufflehead (Rick Leche ) Harlequin duck (Nicole Beaulac/Flickr)

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