Give Me Your Tired... | Hidden Brain The U.S. is a nation of immigrants. But historian Maria Cristina Garcia says many of us have lots of misconceptions about earlier waves of newcomers.
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The Huddled Masses And The Myth Of America

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The Huddled Masses And The Myth Of America

The Huddled Masses And The Myth Of America

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This is HIDDEN BRAIN. I'm Shankar Vedantam. Our airwaves are filled with debates about migrants refugees and undocumented immigrants. Who should be in the United States, who shouldn't and who should decide?


DONALD TRUMP: The truth is our immigration system is worse than anybody ever realized.

HILLARY CLINTON: Law-abiding productive members of the immigrant community that I personally know, that I've met over the course of my life...

MIKE PENCE: Donald Trump has said we're going to move those people out, people who've overstayed their visas. We're going to enforce the law of this country.

TIM KAINE: We are a nation of immigrants. Mike Pence and I both are descended from immigrant families. Some things, you know, maybe weren't said so great about the Irish when they came. But we've done well by absorbing immigrants and it's made our nation stronger.

VEDANTAM: It's an issue that seems to get to the core of who we are, who we want to be and where we're headed as a nation. Today, we're going to take a fresh look at the issue by exploring what history can teach us about the patterns and paradoxes of immigration in a nation of immigrants. It's one in a series of shows over the next few weeks that will speak to issues that have bubbled to the surface in politics.

My guest today for the first in that series is Maria Cristina Garcia. She's a historian and professor of American Studies at Cornell University.

Maria Cristina, welcome to HIDDEN BRAIN.


VEDANTAM: So we call ourselves a nation of immigrants. And, you know, that's more than a saying, it's more than even a fact. It's a foundational story of the United States. And I want to start with this idea. Many of us take genuine pride in being a country whose most famous symbol is the Statue of Liberty.

GARCIA: That's correct. Immigrants and refugees are central to the American national mythology, to the stories that we tell about ourselves as a people. We honor this history with museums and historical markers. We commercialize it with celebrations like St. Patrick's Day and now Cinco de Mayo.

But despite the centrality of immigrants and immigration to the American story, many of us have been wary of immigrants. And we see this all throughout history. We have a tension there. We have a contradiction. It's always been there.

VEDANTAM: I want to spend some time with this paradox because it's - it seems fascinating to me that the same country that thinks of itself as being welcoming to immigrants, that thinks of itself as, you know, the Statue of Liberty, send me your huddling masses, is also the country that simultaneously has these concerns about newcomers.

GARCIA: One has only to read Benjamin Franklin, for example, to get a sense of these contradictions. In the 1750s, for example, Franklin called the German residents of Pennsylvania stupid. He complained about their inability to learn English. And he warned his readers that they would soon overrun - the Germans would soon overrun the American continent. And yet, it's also important to note that Benjamin Franklin published one of the first German-language newspapers in the colonies. So there was a contradiction there, right?

So fast forward also to the early national period. Immigration was welcome because it was important to nation building. We needed immigrants. The new nation needed immigrants to work in the mills and the factories, to work in the mines, to harvest the crops, to build the infrastructure of American towns and cities. In many communities, you didn't even need to be a citizen in order to vote. And yet, you know, a couple of decades later, by the 1840s and 1850s, we see the emergence of the Know-Nothing Party. Immensely hostile to German and Irish Catholic immigrants, demanding federal restrictions on immigration and trying to prevent immigrants from voting and holding public office.

There are so many other examples I could give you. You mentioned the Statue of Liberty during the 1870s and 1880s. As the Statue of Liberty is going up in New York Harbor to celebrate the end of slavery, Americans are demanding at this time that the Chinese be barred from immigrating to the United States. And Congress complies in 1882 with the Chinese Exclusion Act. So we see these tensions and these contradictions all throughout American history.

VEDANTAM: I understand that you, yourself, came to the United States as a refugee and your own family, your own history of first arriving in the United States and being seen by others. And then your own family's history in terms of how you see other people coming in or how your family sees other people coming in reflects this broader pattern, this tension or this paradox in how we think about immigration.

GARCIA: Yes. You're right. My family immigrated in the 1960s. I was just a toddler. We immigrated from Cuba. We were privileged compared to other immigrants. We were privileged because we were refugees arriving during the Cold War from a communist country, and so the proverbial red carpet was rolled out for us.

But just two decades later, we see another migration from Cuba during the 1980 Mariel boatlift. And by the 1980s, those Cubans who had arrived earlier and were more established and had managed to move up the economic ladder and were feeling much more secure in their position, began to feel very nervous about the new arrivals who were coming in from Cuba in 1980. They wondered if these new Cubans who had grown up in a communist regime could truly understand democratic institutions, rather they could understand capitalism. And so these older Cubans, more established Cubans wondered if the new arrivals would undermine everything that they had accomplished in South Florida and in other communities where they had settled.

We see this with every immigrant group when you look at American history. Again, history can teach us a lot. You know, for example, in the 19th century, some of the most vitriolic voices of the anti-Chinese movement were Irish immigrants and their children, who themselves had been much maligned. And now in turn they were directing a lot of that hostility towards newer arrivals, this time from China. German Jews who had arrived in the early 19th century were also highly suspicious and worried about the Eastern European Jews, who migrated at the end of the 19th century because they too feared that their status in society would be undermined by the newer arrivals.

So I guess it's a very human response for those who are more established to worry about what the newer arrivals might do to undermine their hard work.

VEDANTAM: So this is such a fascinating idea, that people come to the United States and within a couple of decades their point of view shifts from the point of view of people who say, we really want to make it in the United States, to being really worried about whether the people coming after them are going to be able to make it in the United States. And we sort of see this pattern writ large in all matter of ways.

You know, in the current debates that we have about immigration, I've heard people say, you know - people whose families have been here for many generations - they say that, you know, when their ancestors came to America, they wanted to become Americans to leave old ways behind. And some of these people worry that more recent immigrants are less interested in assimilation. But from what I'm hearing you say, that might not actually be grounded in historical reality in terms of how immigration patterns have unfolded over the years.

GARCIA: You're so right. Many Americans today believe that the new immigrants are too culturally different, that they're coming here to take American jobs or mooch off of welfare, that they have the wrong politics, that they don't want to learn English, that they don't want to assimilate, that they're national security threats. But these attitudes, they're not new. Americans have been saying this about every immigrant group throughout American history. According to American immigration mythology, those who came, say, in the 19th century or in the early 20th century were the ideal immigrants. They learned English quickly. They wanted to be Americans. But the study of history doesn't bear that up.

When you study history, it challenges those assumptions that we have about the older immigrants versus the new immigrants. So, for example, let me give you a couple of examples. From the study of history, we know - we now know that not everyone who came to the United States stayed. The two groups that had the lowest return rates were the 19th century Irish and Eastern European or Russian Jews. Every other immigrant group had return rates between - ranging between 20 and 80 percent. We also know from the study of history that most of most immigrants who came to the United States did not immigrate to become American. In many cases, in most cases, immigrants came to replicate the best of the old country in more favorable circumstances in the new. As I said earlier, you - in many communities you didn't even need to be a citizen in order to vote.

We also know from the study of history that in the 19th century, immigrants didn't learn English quickly. From the very beginning, this was a multilingual society. And it oftentimes took several generations for English to become the dominant language on Main Street. Our founding documents were all published in German to accommodate the German-speaking populations. For most of the 19th century, instruction in public schools across the country from Pennsylvania to Texas to Wisconsin occurred entirely in languages other than English or bilingually. And this practice was not abolished until the first decades of the 20th century.

So that - our preoccupation today in the early 21st century with requiring linguistic and cultural conformity, that's really a recent phenomena. From the study of history, we also know that immigrants didn't think of themselves as legal or illegal. They just didn't think in those terms. During much of our history, people moved across our borders with ease. If your ship docked outside of New York City, chances were you weren't even interviewed. Congress passed the first immigration laws to control the movement of people beginning in the 1870s. But the mechanisms to enforce those laws were pretty few until the 20th century. Indeed, the first Border Patrol consisted of only a couple dozen men on horseback.

So when someone says to me, my ancestors immigrated legally, why can't they? My first question is, when did your ancestors immigrate? Because if they immigrated in the 19th century or in the early 20th century, they simply didn't use that vocabulary. They didn't think in those terms.

VEDANTAM: So clearly, much of the language around immigration has changed over time. But there are also ideas that have remained relatively constant. When we come back, I'll ask Maria Cristina about the long and tangled relationship between immigration and national security. Stay with us.


VEDANTAM: This is HIDDEN BRAIN. I'm Shankar Vedantam. Our debates over immigration are often framed in the context of national security, fears of terrorism. To many of us, this feels relatively new, part of the 9/11 world we've lived in over the past 15 years. But Maria Cristina Garcia says that if we look at history, we start to see that our modern concerns are a new version of a story that's been told over and over again.

GARCIA: Americans have been concerned about national security since the 19th century. One has only to look at the political cartoons of Thomas Nast, for example, to see how concerned Americans were about Irish Catholics, for example. Thomas Nast produced these political cartoons warning Americans about all these Catholics who were coming to the United States, who were under the influence of the Vatican, who didn't understand democratic principles and would undermine democratic institutions. And so that's an early example of Americans concerned about national security.

In the late 19th century, you see Americans expressing great concern about all the southern and eastern Europeans who are coming in, who are anarchists and Bolsheviks and socialists who don't understand - again, don't understand American democracy, will undermine American principles, American democratic institutions. And and this concern is strong enough that it forces Congress to pass a series of quota laws barring immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe. We see concerns about the Chinese and other Asian groups.

So we see that concern about national security throughout American history. Americans may not have used the exact term national security in the 19th century, but you see those concerns all throughout the history.

VEDANTAM: I want to spend a little bit of time talking about the World War II period and the experience of Japanese-Americans in the United States. Because it seems like that's certainly a moment where concerns about security and concerns about loyalty to the United States intersected with how we were thinking about an immigrant group.

GARCIA: It's true. During periods of national emergency, immigrants become likely scapegoats. We saw this during World War II with the internment of Japanese immigrants, but also their American-born children, who even though there was no evidence that Japanese or their children were conspiring against the U.S. government or against American society, the government decided to err on the side of caution and rounded up this population and put them in internment camps. It was one of the most shameful periods in American history. Those who were interned and their children felt the consequences of that executive decision for many, many decades afterwards. And so that's just one example.

But also during World War II, there were many opportunities that we lost to accommodate people fleeing Europe. And we lost that opportunity because we feared - again, we were concerned with national security. We feared that among the refugees, among the immigrants, would be spies and saboteurs that would undermine the United States. But those fears prevented us from accommodating many, many people who were fleeing the Third Reich and needed protection. And we lost that opportunity to help them.

VEDANTAM: When you look at the experience of Jewish immigrants and refugees around the time of World War II, around the 1930s, 1940s, paint me a picture of what happened. The popular narrative is that, you know, there were many European Jews who did make it to the United States, many of whom were involved in the scientific research that helped the United States eventually win World War II. But was that sort of a general experience? Did the United States - was the United States generally welcoming to Jewish refugees from Europe in the middle of the 20th century?

GARCIA: No, we weren't actually. Many historians feel that our policies were highly anti-Semitic during this period. We lost many opportunities to allow Jewish refugees to come to the United States. The most classic example is the SS St. Louis ship carrying over 900 passengers who were fleeing Europe. And when they arrived off the American coast, the people on the ship were prevented from coming to the United States.

The ship was turned away. And eventually, you know, the ship travelled to many different countries. They were also denied the opportunity to land. And eventually the ship was forced to return to Europe. And many of the people who were traveling on the SS St. Louis eventually were caught and sent to camps - to the death camps.

VEDANTAM: So when we look at the broad sweep of history here, we sort of see this pattern repeatedly occurring where groups arrive and within a few decades or a couple of generations of being here, they have concerns about newcomers entering their neighborhoods. And, you know, in some ways we seem to have a positive view of immigration and immigrants when they were long ago and far away, but less so when they're here now, when, you know, the family that arrived last year that lives next door.

And I'm wondering if you have insight into why this happens? Why is it that groups that themselves may have faced challenges as immigrants, how is it that within a couple of decades or maybe a couple of generations they are turning around and having the same concerns that were expressed about them not so long ago?

GARCIA: Well, that's that seems to be the pattern. I guess you could say that part of Americanization is to adopt the values and the perspectives of the society that surrounds you. And it also becomes a defense mechanism. It becomes a way of proving your membership in the society to adopt those values, and to reflect those values out, to demonstrate that you are a member of the in-group and not the out-group.

VEDANTAM: You recently wrote an essay about the current debate over immigration in which you said generations from now, students in U.S. history classes - many of them the children of immigrants arriving today - will read what our political candidates, editorialists, bloggers and talking heads had to say about their ancestors and shudder. What did you mean by that?

GARCIA: When I teach courses in immigration history and we read the editorials and the newspaper articles and the broadsides that were published in the 19th and in the early 20th century, my students often shake their heads and wonder how Americans could have ever had those feelings or those thoughts or perspectives. They laugh nervously. But then when we compare those editorials and newspaper articles and broadsides to some of the editorials and blogs and newspaper articles today, they see the continuities.

And so I suspect that 20 years from now, 30 years from now, I suspect that my students reading the thoughts, the articles of today will also find them ridiculous, will also shudder, will also wonder why Americans felt the way they did. But I hope not. There's this part of me that hopes that we will do better, that we will be better.

VEDANTAM: That was historian Maria Cristina Garcia. She's a professor of American Studies at Cornell University. This is one of several shows we'll bring you in the coming weeks that talk to issues that have risen to the surface in this year's U.S. presidential election.

The HIDDEN BRAIN is produced by Maggie Penman, Jenny Schmidt, Renee Klahr and Chris Benderev. Our supervising producer is Tara Boyle. This week, our unsung hero is Stuart Harding. Stuart is one of NPR's lawyers. And he recently worked late on a beautiful Friday evening drafting the rules for a giveaway of T-shirts on Facebook and Twitter. So if you happen to win a HIDDEN BRAIN T-shirt in the coming weeks, you have Stuart to thank, as do we for all that he does for us.

Thank you for joining us today. If you liked this episode, please tell one friend who doesn't know about us already to check out the show. I'm Shankar Vedantam, and this is NPR.

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