ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
Today federal officers begin to withdraw from downtown Portland under a deal between Oregon Gov. Kate Brown and the Trump administration. Things have been tense since federal agents arrived three weeks ago to crack down on racial justice protests. City leaders hope this will defuse tensions. Portland's central role in this racial justice movement may surprise some people because
Portland is one of the whitest big cities in the U.S. Oregon was founded on white supremacist principles, and the state has a long history of entrenched racism. For some context, Portland State University urban studies professor Lisa Bates joins us now. Welcome to ALL THINGS CONSIDERED.
LISA BATES: Thank you, Ari.
SHAPIRO: So white supremacy was literally written into Oregon's state constitution in the 1850s. What did that look like in practice?
BATES: Well, when the settlers came to Oregon, obviously they were, on the first place, engaged in a very brutal war against Indigenous people here and also did bring enslaved Black people to help clear land and create farms. But the idea was that once you had established yourself that you would remove those people...
SHAPIRO: Black people were literally not allowed in the state.
BATES: Right. No Black person or Asian person - of course, that wasn't the term that they used at the time - could live in the state.
SHAPIRO: And moving forward in time, while many people think of the KKK as a southern phenomenon, it had a huge presence in Oregon in the early 20th century. Tell us about that.
BATES: In the Portland area, many of the elected leaders - sheriffs, et cetera - were active members of the KKK. And that history of white nationalist organizing has persisted. In the '80s and '90s, Oregon was seen as a white homeland for people who believe in the idea of a racial holy war. And there are settlements throughout the state of people who are pursuing that kind of white homeland idea.
SHAPIRO: So how has that deep legacy of racism played out in, say, the last 50 years or the last few decades?
BATES: So after that history, we might wonder how did Black people really end up living in Portland. Black folks are about 6% of Portland's population. And many of these are families who were brought to work in the Kaiser Shipyards during World War II and after World War II remained in the city despite just ongoing civil rights battles and particularly around police. I mean, I guess I would point to a couple of significant incidents in the 1980s where Portland police officers dumped dead opossums on the door of a Black-owned business in the mid-1980s after killing a Black man, Tony Stevenson, with a chokehold. The chokehold was banned, and the police union distributed T-shirts to officers that said, smoke them, don't choke them, with the image of a gun.
SHAPIRO: Do you see these protests today as a direct outgrowth of or reaction to the long history of racism and white supremacy that has been the building blocks of Oregon history?
BATES: For some people, yes. I think that we've had a number of protests over 15 years here about the problem of white supremacy in institutions. And of course that's at the center of what's happening today. Over the past two months, I've seen marches for Black trans lives. We've had movement around Black victims of intimate partner violence. There are actions happening here almost every day, not all of which are focused around the Justice Center and the federal courthouse because there is movement building that's happening from youth to elders among Black, Indigenous and other people of color here, as well as allies and accomplices.
SHAPIRO: Lisa Bates teaches urban studies and planning at Portland State University. Thank you for talking with us today.
BATES: Thank you.
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